Monarchy is the oldest form of government. Authentic historical monarchies – based on constitutional principles, committed to upholding the rule of law and providing a sense of nationhood, cohesion and continuity – do not cease to thrive in today’s world. “It is a great error to see them as storybook relics of bygone days with no part to play in 21st-century societies,” argued Lord David Alton in his comprehensive essay “Royal families and monarchies in the 21st century” published in GIS on July 20, 2016.
In Europe alone, as many as 12 monarchies remain – ranging from the small principalities of Andorra, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, Liechtenstein, Monaco and the State of Vatican City, to Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, Norway, Sweden and Spain. Also, the United Kingdom, where Queen Elizabeth celebrated her 93rd birthday on April 21, 2019, shows no desire to replace its monarchy with a republic. Most of the monarchies in Europe are elements of constitutional systems, where the monarch does not influence the politics of the state. In Liechtenstein, the prince retains a significant say on matters of governing based on democratic legitimation. Prince Albert of Monaco also has an important political role.
Dynasties play a role in the turbulent transition facing Arab societies. Seven monarchs play very active, in some cases pivotal, roles in Middle East politics. In Asia, Japan, Thailand, Brunei, Malaysia, Bhutan and Cambodia are constitutional monarchies. China’s last dynasty, the Qing Dynasty, was abolished in 1912 when the Republic of China was established, but in Japan, the official enthronement of Emperor Naruhito to the Chrysanthemum Throne took place only yesterday, on October 22, 2019.
How can one explain the staying power of this form of government?
Royal families in Europe help uphold constitutional order and provide a sense of historical continuity. Some go further and are real drivers for their countries’ prosperity, stability and safety.
Historically, the most important dynasty in Europe was the Habsburgs. In the report “The lessons from the last 100 years of Central Europe’s history,” GIS founder Prince Michael of Liechtenstein described the sense of duty and farsightedness of the last Habsburg emperor. The last crown prince of Austria-Hungary went far beyond that mission in the 20th and 21st centuries. Archduke Otto von Habsburg, who passed away in 2011 at 98 years of age, never ascended to the throne but provided significant encouragement to Christian democracy in Europe. As a young man, he was among the few who recognized the danger presented by national socialism in its early stages. Designated by Hitler as a dangerous enemy of the Third Reich, he spent the war years in the United States incessantly lobbying for Austria’s independence and preventing Central Europe from falling under the Soviet Union’s yoke.
In the postwar decades, the Archduke was an important advocate of a unified Europe as an author, speaker, political advisor and president of the influential International Pan-European Union (1973-2004). For 20 years, he represented Bavaria as one of the most prominent members of the European Parliament. Today, the Archduke is counted – along with Robert Schuman, Konrad Adenauer and Alcide De Gasperi – among the architects of the European idea.
Queen Elizabeth II
The centrality of the British royal family in holding together a fractious and often disunited kingdom is indisputable, asserted Lord Alton in his 2017 essay dedicated to the Windsor dynasty. “Transient British governments and prime ministers come and go, but since February 1952, H.M. Queen Elizabeth II has provided the United Kingdom with continuity and stability,” he wrote.
George VI and his wife, Elizabeth, heroically encouraged wartime Britain and – through their daughter, Elizabeth – gave the nation a head of state who has been a public servant “devoted beyond comparison,” as Lord Alton saw it. Queen Elizabeth II could justifiably say that during her reign, she has seen it all – including 14 prime ministers, from Sir Winston Churchill to Boris Johnson. After an election, or following the resignation of a prime minister, she has the right to appoint whomever she believes can command a majority in the House of Commons. And the queen has a special relationship with whoever holds that high office.
Although a constitutional monarch who remains politically neutral, the queen holds a weekly audience with the prime minister at which she has a right and a duty to express her views on government matters.
The delicate balance that emerged from England’s Civil War (1642-1651) and the restoration of a constitutional monarchy is that while the sovereign is head of state, the power to make and enact legislation resides with an elected parliament. As “head of the nation,” the queen assumes constitutional and ceremonial duties that are a focus for national identity, generating pride and continuity. The monarch’s role also has a religious dimension as head of the Church of England.
King Felipe VI and King Philippe
The same author pointed to the Spanish monarchy as another striking example of how a royal family, with all its imperfections, can be a source of social cohesion. When, following fascist dictator Francisco Franco’s death in 1975, Juan Carlos I became king, his authority and strong relationship within the Spanish armed forces saved the country from a military coup and preserved parliamentary democracy. After 40 years on the throne, the king, following some unfortunate entanglements, abdicated in favor of the next generation. His son, Felipe VI, has since been striving to inspire national unity in a country riven by separatist movements – most notably the Basques and the Catalans.
In Belgium, King Philippe, who ascended the throne in 2013 following the abdication of his father, performs a similarly unifying role. In the two countries in one that is Belgium, such a service is often indispensable.
Prince Hans Adam II
Liechtenstein, in turn, is living proof that a royal family can also offer top-notch governance when the constitutional framework provides room for that. The principality, wrote Lord Alton, “with a landmass of 62 square miles, may be Lilliputian in size, but there is nothing puny about its economy,” as it affords its 37,000 citizens one of the highest standards of living on the globe.
Prince Hans Adam II, who traces his antecedents to the Holy Roman Empire, has been the reigning head of state since 1989, with many day-to-day powers, now vested in his son Alois, hereditary prince of Liechtenstein. Aside from model stewardship of the market-driven economic system, the ruling family has presided over the development of democratic and judicial institutions. Liechtenstein has an elected parliament, the Landtag, but also a system of direct democracy through referenda: citizens, parliament or the prince can initiate popular votes. In 2003, Hans Adam II prompted changes to the 1921 Constitution, which were endorsed in a referendum; in 2012, in another vote, a substantial majority of the electorate rejected proposals to remove the prince’s right of veto.
Hans Adam II has used his family’s popularity and the powers vested in him to protect the independence of the judiciary and to guard against shortsighted populist decisions. Lord Alton wrote:
With its determination to uphold the rule of law and guard against interference in the courts by political interests in parliament, the princely house of Liechtenstein could teach some leaders of Brobdingnagian-sized states a thing or two.
MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
Monarchies have also been playing their part in the troubled transition facing Arab societies in the Middle East – for good and ill.
The House of Saud
The Saudi royal family numbers in the thousands, and the king holds very substantial political power. Currently, GIS expert Zvi Mazel wrote, many Saudi citizens, the rest of the Gulf and the world are expectantly watching Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the 34-year-old deputy crown prince and likely future king, as a possible agent of change in the principalist kingdom.
The crown prince, often referred to as MbS, has taken modest steps toward social reforms and launched a radical overhaul of Saudi Arabia’s economic and institutional foundations. One can assume that the father, King Salman bin Abdulaziz, and son are working in tandem and share the same vision of the kingdom’s future.
In April 2016, MbS unveiled an ambitious blueprint for reform, dubbed “Vision 2030,” to diversify the nation’s economy and make it one of the biggest in the world. Ambassador Mazel described this royal “revolution from above” here. As is often the case, deep structural reform can only come in such a way, but it is a delicate process that risks triggering reactions from various quarters, observed an anonymous GIS author. To avoid such problems, King Salman and the crown prince had moved to curb the role of the Saudi oligarchy, including members of the royal family – a step that did not endear them to the affected parties. Then came the mysterious murder of a journalist critical of the kingdom’s new policies at the Saudi embassy in Istanbul.
The crown prince forcefully condemned the killing and